"This book contains a peer-reviewed selection of papers presented at the 46th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL 46) that took place in April 2016 at Stony Brook University (SUNY), New York. The most current research and debates on bilingualism, historical linguistics, morphology, phonology, semantics, sociolinguistics, and syntax can be found in its pages. This collection will be of interest to Romance linguists and general linguists as well"--.

• Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 14
• Editorial page
• Title page
• LCC data
• Table of contents
• Introduction LSRL 46 Stony Brook
• 1. Expletive negation is not expletive
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The semantics of ‘hasta’-clauses
    • 2.1 The semantic components of punctual ‘hasta’
    • 2.2 Interpreting ‘hasta’-clauses
  • 3. The negation in ‘hasta’-clauses
    • 3.1 The distribution of EN in ‘hasta’-clauses
    • 3.2 The semantic contribution of EN
  • 4. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 2. Long-distance binding of French reflexive ‘soi’
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. French ‘soi’ as a first-person oriented generic
    • 2.1 Background about ‘soi’
    • 2.2 Genericity of ‘soi’
  • 3. French ‘soi’ as an anaphor exempt under logophoric conditions
    • 3.1 Exemption of ‘soi’
    • 3.2 Logophoricity of ‘soi’
  • 4. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 3. French negative concord and discord
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Theoretical background
  • 3. Experimental background
  • 4. Experimental design
  • 5. Participants and procedure
  • 6. Analysis
  • 7. Results: Context influence
  • 8. Results: Acoustic analysis
  • 9. Discussion
  • 10. Conclusions
  • References
• 4. Dimensions of variation
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Subsequent literature on the inflected construction
  • 3. The morphology of the inflected construction in Deliano
  • 4. The structural representation of the IC
  • 5. Interaction with the cartographic hierarchy
  • 6. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 5. ‘Ma non era rosso?’ (But wasn’t it red?)
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The data
    • Scenario I
    • Scenario II
  • 3. The imperfect
    • Scenario III
    • Scenario IV
  • 4. The distribution and properties of the particle ‘ma’ in counter-expectational contexts
    • 4.1 Generalities
    • 4.2 The co-occurrence of ‘ma’ with clitic left dislocation, focus and hanging topic
  • 5. Sentence and discourse
  • 6. Conclusions
  • References
• 6. ‘Dime una cosa’: Are wh-in-situ questions different in Spanish?
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Wh-in-situ in Spanish: Pragmatics, syntax and intonation
    • 2.1 Pragmatic readings
    • 2.2 Syntactic analyses
    • 2.3 Intonational properties
  • 3. Experimental design
    • 3.1 Participants
    • 3.2 Tasks and data collection
    • 3.3 Data analysis
  • 4. Results
    • 4.1 Final contours
    • 4.2 Tonal range
    • 4.3 Duration
  • 5. Discussion and conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 7. Parametric comparison and dialect variation
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. A syntactic classification of Southern Italo-Romance
  • 3. Towards higher resolution
    • 3.1 Adjectives and noun movement
    • 3.2 Genitives
    • 3.3 Possessives
    • 3.4 Kinship terms
    • 3.5 Summary
  • 4. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 8. Morphological doublets in Brazilian Portuguese ‘wh’-constructions
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The diachronic development of ‘wh’-constructions in BP
    • 2.1 The V2 period
    • 2.2 The inverse [é que] cleft construction of modern Portuguese
    • 2.3 The ‘wh-in-situ’ construction
    • 2.4 The semi-cleft ‘wh’-construction
    • 2.5 The appearance of the pattern ‘wh’-SV
    • 2.6 A missing cell between the ‘wh’-‘in-situ’ and the ‘wh’-‘que SV’
  • 3. Syntactic analyses
    • 3.1 Thetic and categorical sentences
    • 3.2 The oldest type of ‘wh’-questions in Portuguese: The V2 construction
    • 3.3 The inverse-cleft questions (‘WH’-é que SV) as a grammaticalized V2 construction
    • 3.4 From ‘wh’-movement to a fake “‘wh-in-situ’”
    • 3.5 From inverse-‘wh’-clefts to canonic ‘wh’-clefts
    • 3.6 The 20th century innovative reduced cleft ‘Wh’-que
    • 3.7 The appearance of ‘WH’-SV, the most recent pattern
  • 4. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 9. Clitic doubling, person and agreement in French hyper-complex inversion
  • 1. HCI
  • 2. HCI as clitic doubling
  • 3. A restriction concerning SCLs
  • 4. The ‘-t-’ morpheme
  • 5. Remnant movement and ‘-t-’
  • 6. HCI and clitic climbing
  • 7. A familiar problem for Agree
  • 8. Pronominal clitics vs. agreement morphemes
  • 9. Person and ‘l’
  • 10. Missing persons
  • 11. SCL ‘ce’
  • 12. Demonstratives and first and second person pronouns
  • 13. Other types of clitic doubling
  • 14. The sensitivity of silent pronouns to person
  • 15. French ‘on’
  • 16. Conclusion
  • References
• 10. Licensing conditions on null generic subjects in Spanish
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Topic identification of referential subject ‘pro’
    • 2.1 Frascarelli (2007)
    • 2.2 Extension of Frascarelli (2007) to Spanish referential ‘pro’
  • 3. Topic identification of generic ‘pro’
    • 3.1 Topics can be indefinite
    • 3.2 An ordering constraint
  • 4. The special morphology condition: Impersonal ‘se’ and generic ‘uno’
    • 4.1 Coreferentiality diagnostics
    • 4.2 Uno can be an A-topic; Impse cannot be an A-topic
  • 5. Implications for the null generic subject generalization
    • 5.1 Referential pro in pNSLs
    • 5.2 Generic pro in pNSLs
    • 5.3 Revising the NGSG
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 11. Bridging and dislocation in Catalan
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Background
    • 2.1 Bridging
    • 2.2 Left and right dislocation
  • 3. Testing bridging and dislocation
    • 3.1 Experimental design
    • 3.2 Predictions
  • 4. Results
    • 4.1 Descriptive statistics
    • 4.2 Significance tests
  • 5. Discussion
  • 6. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 12. Dependent numerals and dependent existentials in Romanian
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The distribution of DepIndef’s in Romanian
    • 2.1 Does “‘câte’” supply distributivity?
    • 2.2 What type of variable may serve as key?
      • 2.2.1 DepNums
      • 2.2.2 DepExist’s
  • 3. The licensing conditions of ‘câte’ dependent indefinited
    • 3.1 Champollion’s D and Part operators
    • 3.2 Romanian DepNum and DepExist
      • 3.2.1 The semantic contribution of “câte” in DepIndef’s
      • 3.2.2 Universally quantified sentences
      • 3.2.3 Temporal keys
  • 4. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 13. Stressed enclitics are not weak pronouns
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Stressed enclitics
  • 3. Neapolitan
  • 4. Catalan
  • 5. French
  • 6. Conclusions
  • References
• 14. Causativization of verbs of directed motion in Romance languages
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Causative DM verbs
    • 2.1 Causativized DM verbs Catalan
    • 2.2 Causativized DM verbs in Italian
    • 2.3 Causativized DM verbs in Aragonese
    • 2.4 Causativized DM verbs in Spanish
  • 3. What does a verb need to be causativized?
    • 3.1 Pronominal DM verbs in (varieties of) Catalan
    • 3.2 Pronominal DM verbs in (varieties of) Italian
    • 3.3 Pronominal DM verbs in (varieties of) Aragonese
  • 4. Proposal
    • 4.1 What is NE?
    • 4.2 Same structure, different lexicalization
  • 5. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 15. Latin denominal deponents
  • 1. Latin deponent verbs
  • 2. Deponent verbs as idiosyncratic forms
  • 3. The productive deponents: Denominal verbs
  • 4. Latin middle morphology, a formal analysis
    • 4.1 The framework
    • 4.2 The middle morphology
  • 5. Denominal deponents and the middle morphology
    • 5.1 The identification type
  • 6. Conclusions and open issues
  • References
• 16. Against control by implicit passive agents
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Landau (2000, 2010, 2013), van Urk (2011, 2013) and Reed (2014): Some points of agreement and contention
  • 3. Further examining the interaction of control with passivization
    • 3.1 Reconsidering Visser’s effects
    • 3.2 A syntactic constraint on impersonal passivization
    • 3.3 On an unexpected parallel between OC PRO and overt bound pronouns
    • 3.4 On unexpected WIA control in indirect questions
  • 4. Against control by weak implicit passive agents
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 17. Romance evaluative ‘que/che/să’ sentences as inverted optatives
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Basic description of evaluative ‘che/que/să’ romance sentences
    • 2.1 The form of ‘che/que/să’-Evaluatives
    • 2.2 Semantics and intonation of ‘que/che/să’-Evaluatives
    • 2.3 Summary
  • 3. The analysis of ‘que/che/să’-Evaluatives as inverted optatives
    • 3.1 The expressive nature of ‘que/che/să’-Evaluatives
    • 3.2 The syntactic structure
    • 3.3 Tense restrictions and the contribution of Mood
    • 3.4 The factive presupposition and the subjunctive mood
  • 4. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• 18. Resumed phrases (are always moved, even with in-island resumption)
  • 1. Intro: Resumption
    • 1.1 Background
      • 1.1.1 Reconstruction
      • 1.1.2 Analyses of resumption
  • 2. Resumption in islands: Mixed two-step
    • 3. Mixed two-step without islands
  • 4. Analytical consequences: Movement and resumption
  • 5. Where is P and what is it?
  • 6. Independent evidence for MTS derivations
    • 6.1 Selayarese
    • 6.2 Irish
  • 6.3 Conclusion
  • 7. Brief crosslinguistic comparison
  • References
• 19. Timing properties of (Brazilian) Portuguese and (European) Spanish
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Rhythmic typology and the classification of European Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese
    • 2.1 Syllable- and stress-timing
    • 2.2 Rhythmic classification of European Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese
  • 3. Experimental investigation of rhythm in European Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese
    • 3.1 Methodology
    • 3.2 Participants
    • 3.3 Procedure
    • 3.4 Stimuli
    • 3.5 Analyses
  • 4. Results
    • 4.1 Binary logistic regression analysis (BLRA) results
    • 4.2 Duration
    • 4.3 Duration ratios
  • 5. Discussion
    • 5.1 Manifestation of prominence in European Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese
    • 5.2 Measurements of relative duration
    • 5.3 Rhythm as duration manipulation
  • 6. Conclusions
  • References
• Index of languages
• Index of terms