"This volume brings together a collection of original articles investigating state-of-the-art themes in morphology. The papers in the volume provide an in-depth analysis for spoken and sign languages within morphological word domain, morphosyntax and morphophonology. Bringing data from a variety of languages including Turkish, some understudied ones (e.g. Turkish Sign Language, Late Ottoman Turkish) and also endangered languages (e.g. Karachay-Balkar, Sauzini, Cappadocian, Aivaliot and Pharasiot Greek), the volume will be of special interest to a wide audience ranging from typologists to theoretical linguists and graduate students in linguistics and is expected to generate further research on the above mentioned languages, as well as to contribute to the cross-linguistic literature on the themes explored in the volume"--.

• Morphological Complexity within and across Boundaries
• Editorial page
• Title page
• Copyright page
• Table of contents
• Introduction: In honor of Aslı Göksel
  • Bibliography of Prof. Aslı Göksel
    • Monographs and edited volumes
    • Book chapters
    • Journal Articles
    • Papers in Proceedings
• Part I. Within boundaries. The word
• Abstraction vs. analogy in the Turkish aorist
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. A corpus analysis of the Turkish aorist
  • 3. Theoretical background
  • 4. Methodology
    • 4.1 Stimuli
    • 4.2 Procedure and participants
  • 5. Results and discussion
    • 5.1 Rhyme
    • 5.2 Other measures of similarity
      • 5.2.1 C_C pattern
      • 5.2.2 Onset of the root
      • 5.2.3 Nucleus of the root
      • 5.2.4 Coda consonant and trigrams
  • 6. General discussion
  • References
• Word formation through derivation vs. compounding
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Compounds vs. derivations in child language acquisition
  • 3. Compounds vs. derivations in child Turkish
  • 4. Derivation vs. inflection in Turkish
  • 5. Later compounding tendencies
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgment
  • References
• Part II. Across boundaries. Morphological complexity and syntax
• Restrictive relative clauses in the Greek dialects of Pharasa and Cappadocia
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The Greek dialects of Cappadocia and Pharasa, and their speakers
  • 3. Data
  • 4. Extended Projection of NPs in CG and PhG
  • 5. The position of (pre-nominal) RCs in the extended projection of NP
  • 6. On the so-called relativizers and the structure of RCs
    • 6.1 CG: No relativizers
    • 6.2 PhG: The origin of the relativizer and the structure of RCs
    • 6.3 CG again: The structure of RCs
  • 7. Conclusion
  • Funding
  • Acknowledgment
  • References
• Person indexing in Sauzini
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Sauzini and person indexing
  • 3. Differences between subject agreement and pronominal clitics
  • 4. The behavior of pronominal clitics
  • 5. Implications of pronominal clitic distribution and some conclusions drawn
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• Subject marking of -DIK/-(y)AcAK complement clauses in written Turkish of the late Ottoman period (1860–1914)
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Aim and basis of the investigation
  • 3. Methodology
  • 4. Description of the text corpus examined
  • 5. Analysis of the data
    • 5.1 Areas of overlap with Modern Standard Turkish
      • 5.1.1 Complement clauses whose subject is a noun clause
      • 5.1.2 Complement clauses with unmarked indefinite subjects in immediately preverbal position
    • 5.2 Definite NP subjects
    • 5.3 Animacy
    • 5.4 Generic subjects
    • 5.5 Transitivity of the -DIK/-(y)AcAK nominalized verb
  • 6. Concluding remarks
  • References
  • List of data sources
  • Data set of -DIK/-(y)AcAK complement clauses (with syntactic context) from published texts originating 1861–1911
  • Key to analysis columns
• Structure of plural pronoun constructions
  • 0. Introduction
  • 1. Earlier analyses
    • 1.1 The saturation account
    • 1.2. Other accounts
    • 1.3 Further problems with earlier accounts
      • 1.3.1 IPPCs with regular coordinators
      • 1.3.2 IPPCs with proper nouns
      • 1.3.3 Ambiguity
      • 1.3.4 Semantics of plural pronouns
      • 1.3.5 Crosslinguistic variation
  • 2. A φ-acquisition model
    • 2.1 Background assumptions
      • 2.1.1 Φ-features
      • 2.1.2 Comitative coordination
      • 2.1.3 Case
    • 2.2 Structure of PPCs
    • 2.3 Other properties of PPCs
    • 2.4 Further evidence
  • 3. The case of correlative coordinators
  • 4. Conclusion
  • References
• Part III. Across boundaries. Morphological complexity and phonology
• Paradigm leveling and regularization derive variation in stress
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Regular vs. exceptional stress assignment and stress variability in Turkish
  • 3. Corpus study
  • 4. Results
  • 5. Discussion
  • 6. Conclusions
  • References
• The great divide
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Where word class matters for phonological shape
    • 2.1 The k-zero alternation
    • 2.2 Non-final stress
    • 2.3 Vowel harmony
    • 2.4 Distribution of stops
    • 2.5 Vowel reduction & suspension of U-harmony
      • 2.5.1 Vowel reduction
      • 2.5.2 Palatal consonants, U-harmony and the great divide
  • 3. Evaluating the asymmetry between different parts of speech
    • 3.1 Phonological privilege
    • 3.2 And the winner is…?
  • 4. Reasons for the great divide
    • 4.1 Base identity
    • 4.2 Lexical addresses
    • 4.3 Organisation of the lexicon
    • 4.4 Are verbs really an open class?
  • 5. Summary
  • References
• Variability in the realization of agreement in Turkish
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Distribution of subject agreement in the Turkish verbal domain
  • 3. Güneş (2020): Agr as a dissociated morpheme
  • 4. Turkish medial/double Agr via Generalized Reduplication
    • 4.1 Generalized Reduplication in the previous literature
    • 4.2 Generalized Reduplication applied to Turkish Agr
    • 4.3 Restricting the application of GR in the Turkish verbal domain
  • 5. Why GR in Turkish?
  • 6. Summary
  • Acknowledgment
  • References
• Same exponent, different strength
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Variation in the realization of vocalic elements
    • 2.1 Deletion of /-o-/ in compounds
    • 2.2 Deletion of /e/ in imperatives
  • 3. Exponents with gradiently active symbols
  • 4. A GHG analysis of gradiently active vowels
    • 4.1 Deletion of the compound theme vowel /-o-/
    • 4.2 Deletion of /e/ in 2pl imperative verb forms, and optionality
  • 5. Exploring an alternative analysis
  • 6. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• Morphosyntax-prosody mismatches in Karachay-Balkar
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Mapping between prosodic structure and syntactic structure
  • 3. Prosody of Karachay-Balkar
    • 3.1 Broad focus constructions
    • 3.2 Narrow focus constructions
  • 4. Deriving prosodic phrasing in Karachay-Balkar
    • 4.1 Prosodic phrasing at sentence level constructions
    • 4.2 Prosodic phrasing in narrow focus constructions with the question suffix
      • 4.2.1 The distribution of question suffix and focus in polar questions
      • 4.2.2 Prosodic phrasing with the question suffix
  • 5. Conclusion
  • References
• Part IV. Morphological complexity in Sign Languages
• Aspects of clause structure and morphology in Turkish Sign Language
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Morphological categorization of predicates, referential loci, and classifiers
  • 3. Weather Predicates
  • 4. Intransitive predicates
    • 4.1 Unaccusative predicates
    • 4.2 Unergative predicates
    • 4.3 Intransitive predicates and argument realization
    • 4.4 Intransitive predicates and nonmanual morphology
  • 5. Transitive predicates
    • 5.1 Transitive sentences with plain predicates
    • 5.2 Transitive sentences with locus agreement predicates
      • 5.2.1 Transitive sentences with single locus agreement predicates
      • 5.2.2 Transitive sentences with double locus agreement predicates
      • 5.2.3 Transitive sentences with backwards locus agreement predicates
    • 5.3 Transitive sentences with classifiers
  • 6. Ditransitives predicates
    • 6.1 Ditransitives predicates which agree with the referential locus of the subject and the indirect object
    • 6.2 Ditransitives predicates which agree with the referential locus of the source and goal
    • 6.3 Ditransitives predicates with an incorporated theme
  • 7. Conclusions
  • Glossing conventions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• The universal quantifier ‘all’ in Turkish Sign Language
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Methodology
  • 3. Quantificational nature of all and all_of_those
  • 4. Syntactic properties of all and all_of_those
    • 4.1 Syntactic properties of quantifiers in sign languages
    • 4.2 Syntactic distribution of all and all_of_those
    • 4.3 all and all_of_those and nominal ellipsis
  • 5. Morpho-semantic properties of all and all_of_those
    • 5.1 all: A simple determiner
    • 5.2 all_of_those: A complex sign
      • 5.2.1 Mouthing contributes the universal quantification
      • 5.2.2 Space functions in restricting the quantifier domain
      • 5.2.2.1 Previous studies on space and restriction of quantifier domain
      • 5.2.2.2 The role signing space plays in the meaning of all_of_those
    • 5.3 Interim summary
  • 6. A new type of incorporation: all_of_those^same
  • 7. Discussion and conclusion
  • Acknowledgement
  • References
• Null arguments in Turkish Sign Language
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. A word on methodology
  • 3. Null arguments and verb categories
    • 3.1 Handshape as agreement
  • 4. Constraints on null arguments
    • 4.1 Topicalization
    • 4.2 Island effects
    • 4.3 Null arguments and ATB constructions
    • 4.4 Null arguments and complement clauses
  • 5. Null arguments and localization
  • 6. Conclusion
  • References
• Index