"This volume contains a peer reviewed selection of invited contributions, papers and posters that were presented at the December, 2018 venue of Going Romance (XXXII) in Utrecht (a four day program that included two thematic workshops). The papers all discuss data and formalized analyses of one or more Romance languages or dialects, in either synchronic or diachronic perspective, and pay particular attention to the variation and the actual variability that is at stake, not only in syntax and morpho-syntax but also in semantics and phonology. Beyond the discussion of differences between languages and/or dialects from a formalist perspective, the volume also contains a number of papers linking the theme of variation to sociolinguistic issues such as natural bilingualism and micro-contact"--.

• ROMANCE LANGUAGES AND LINGUISTIC THEORY 2018
• Editorial page
• Title page
• Editorial page
• Table of contents
• Introduction
• Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Clitics and Principle B: Acquisition evidence and linguistic theory
  • 3. Forward anaphora and locality effects in adult processing
  • 4. Research questions and hypotheses
  • 5. The experiment
    • 5.1 Materials
    • 5.2 Subjects and procedure
  • 6. Results
  • 7. Discussion
  • 8. Conclusions
  • References
• Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses: Data from L2 acquisition of European Portuguese
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Infinitival complement clauses in European Portuguese and in Peninsular Spanish
    • 2.1 Exceptional case marking (ECM) and inflected infinitive structure (IIS)
    • 2.2 Prepositional infinitival structure (PIC)
  • 3. Non-native acquisition of European Portuguese infinitival complement clauses: A case of feature reassembly
  • 4. Experimental design: Methodology and participants
  • 5. Acceptability judgment tasks: Data analysis
    • 5.1 Exceptional case marking and inflected infinitive structure
    • 5.2 Prepositional infinitival construction
  • 6. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh-movement: Evidence from Sardinian
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. FF vs. wh-movement in Sardinian
  • 3. The distribution of the ‘nuclear pitch accent’ in wh-questions
    • 3.1 The prosodic patterns of wh-questions
    • 3.2 The NPA in Sardinian wh-questions
  • 4. Sardinian wh-questions: The prosodic experiment
    • 4.1 The experimental material and procedure
    • 4.2 Results
  • 5. The asymmetry between direct and indirect wh-questions
  • 6. Analysis: Interrogative wh-words are not inherently focal
  • 7. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Temporal anaphora and viewpoint aspect
    • 2.1 Temporal syntax of tense & aspect
    • 2.2 More viewpoints: Imperfective and perfective
    • 2.3 Temporal anaphora
  • 3. Imperfective vs. perfective past in embedded contexts
    • 3.1 Sequence of Tense (SoT)
    • 3.2 Why perfective (unlike imperfective) enforces past-shifting
  • 4. Strict vs. sloppy temporal construals
    • 4.1 Temporal ellipsis: Structural vs. referential parallelism
    • 4.2 Perfective past in ellipsis contexts
    • 4.3 Imperfective past in ellipsis contexts
  • 5. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of ‘non-matching’ split interrogatives in Spanish
  • 1. Split interrogatives
  • 2. Non matching split interrogatives
    • 2.1 Properties
    • 2.2 The structure of NMSI. Monoclausal analyses
  • 3. A biclausal analysis for NMSI. Ellipsis and ‘extended’ reading
    • 3.1 Properties of NMSI
    • 3.2 The interpretation of NMSI
    • 3.3 Non matching pseudocleft constructions and ‘extended’ interpretation
  • 4. Reconstruction: Constraints on movement and idioms
  • 5. Ellipsis: NMSI and fragment answers
  • 6. Ellipsis in (Right) dislocation structures
  • 7. The non-matching property: The neuter qué and Scope Markers
  • 8. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. DOM in Old Romanian and Old Catalan
    • 2.1 Pronouns and DPs
  • 3. Analysis
    • 3.1 Animacy and person
  • 4. Concluding remarks
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
  • Sources
    • old catalan
    • old romanian
• Chapter 7. Contact phenomena: The I-language of a bilingual
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Separationism and architecture
  • 3. Distributed morphology
  • 4. Only one lexicon
  • 5. Only one PF
  • 6. Code-switching and borrowing
  • 7. Syntactic transfer
  • 8. Conclusions
  • References
• Chapter 8. -ŋ plurals in North Lombard varieties: Differential plural marking and phases
  • 1. Differential plural marking in mesolcina valley varieties
  • 2. Morphological analysis: -a as a plural
  • 3. Syntax: Externalization by phase
    • 3.1 The vP and CP phases
    • 3.2 Alternative accounts
  • 4. Conclusions
  • References
• Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages
  • 1. Consistent, partial, and radical pro-drop languages: Questions and aim of the paper
  • 2. A fine-grained investigation on verbal agreement and null subject licensing in BP and EP
  • 3. Null subjects without ‘rich agreement’: Participial clauses
  • 4. Null subjects without ϕ-agreement: Gerund clauses
  • 5. Concluding remarks
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The linguistic phenomenon: Locatives with copulas
  • 3. Research questions and learnability tasks
  • 4. Our study
    • 4.1 Participants
    • 4.2 Methods
    • 4.3 Results
  • 5. Discussion and conclusion
  • References
• Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Data
    • 2.1 Word-final -n deletion and vowel reduction in Eastern Catalan
    • 2.2 Underapplication of ND and VR in loanwords
    • 2.3 Interaction of ND and VR in the same loanword
  • 3. Experimental surveys
    • 3.1 Picture-naming production test
    • 3.2 Judgment test
  • 4. Analysis with weighted scalar constraints
    • 4.1 Harmonic grammar: A brief overview
    • 4.2 Weighted scalar constraints applied to strata
    • 4.3 Analysis of the interaction between ND and VR
  • 5. Alternative analyses
  • 6. Concluding remarks
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Methodological and theoretical assumptions
    • 2.1 Brief sociohistorical notes
    • 2.2 Three main theoretical assumptions
    • 2.3 Methodology
  • 3. Interactions of tense, aspect and mood
    • 3.1 The perfect and the progressive: The non-modal domain
    • 3.2 The relevant temporal morphemes
    • 3.3 A temporal agreement marker in both varieties
  • 4. Marking other values
  • 5. Conclusion and a note regarding future research
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Chapter 13. Very …. extracted: On old Italian molto
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The data: When and where is extraction possible?
  • 3. The movement path of moltoex
  • 4. Concluding remarks
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
  • Sources
• Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English
  • 1. The problem
  • 2. Methodology
    • 2.1 The data and method
  • 3. Discussion of findings
    • 3.1 Temporal readings and position
    • 3.2 Temporal readings and tense of the main clause
    • 3.3 Temporal readings and aspectual classes
  • 4. Concluding remarks
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• Chapter 15. Craindre (“fear”) and expletive negation in diachrony
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Psychological and volitive readings of craindre
    • 2.1 Inquisitive craindre que
    • 2.2 Admonitive craindre que … ne
    • 2.3 Reprehensive craindre que … ne
  • 3. Corpus
  • 4. Diachronic analysis
    • 4.1 The original semantics of ne: A speech-act negation
    • 4.2 The gradual loss of ne’s speech-act potential
  • 5. Conclusion
  • References
• Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Data: Romance demonstratives and DRCs
  • 3. Fission
  • 4. Beyond deictic fission: [Focus]
  • 5. The category of reinforcers
  • 6. Concluding remarks
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Index