"Germanic languages have been recognized as having not only intensifying or focus particles, but also so-called modal particles. The relevant items are specialized discourse markers joined by characteristic syntactic properties. After an introductory overview of the complex field, the contributions of the current volume capitalize on, but also work much further beyond the baseline of the established insights. They offer analyses of (a) new data types within and sometimes across several Germanic languages (e.g. varieties/stages of German, Dutch, or Norwegian), encompassing different classes of particles and a variety of syntactic-semantic as well as usage-based aspects; (b) the classical dichotomy between languages like German and English when it comes to the availability of modal particles both synchronically and diachronically; (c) crucial integrated insight from non-Germanic languages such as French, Hungarian, Italian, Mandarin, or Vietnamese. A number of mostly interface-based proposals of several languages as well as further generalizations are put on the table for both expert and novice readers in the field"--.

• Particles in German, English, and Beyond
• Editorial page
• Title page
• Copyright page
• Table of contents
• Chapter 1. Particles: A brief synchronic, diachronic and contrastive introduction
  • 1. Delimiting current scope
  • 2. Particles from a synchronic point of view
  • 3. Diachronic aspects
  • 4. Contrasting and comparing towards explanatory building blocks
    • 4.1 A contrasting paradigm
    • 4.2 The contributions of this volume
  • References
• Chapter 2. From up-toning intensifying particle to scalar focus particle: A new developmental path
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Stages of meaning change
  • 3. The developmental path up-toning intensifying particle > additive scalar focus particle
    • 3.1 Structural properties of intensifying and focus particles
    • 3.2 Semantic closeness of intensifying and scalar focus particles
    • 3.3 Summary
  • 4. The development of zumal, gar, and sogar in German
    • 4.1 The particle zumal ‘especially’
    • 4.2 The particle gar ‘even’
    • 4.3 The particle sogar ‘even’
  • 5. Scalarity as a source of focus particle meaning
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • Corpora
  • References
• Chapter 3. Do intensifiers lose their expressive force over time?: A corpus linguistic study
  • 1. Introduction and theoretical background
  • 2. Corpus study
  • 3. Results
    • 3.1 General results
    • 3.2 Descriptive intensifier
    • 3.3 Expressive intensifiers
    • 3.4 Hierarchical Cluster Analysis
  • 4. Discussion
    • 4.1 Descriptive intensifier (n = 1)
    • 4.2 Expressive intensifiers (n = 16)
  • 5. Conclusions
  • References
  • Appendix
• Chapter 4. The interpretation of the German additive particle auch (‘too, also’) in quantificational contexts
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. More data & previous theories on additives
    • 2.1 The distribution of inclusive and exclusive readings
    • 2.2 Previous theories on additives
  • 3. The proposal
    • 3.1 The underlying principle
    • 3.2 Consequences and predictions
  • 4. What needs to be done
  • 5. Conclusion
  • References
• Chapter 5. The German modal particle ja and selected English lexical correlates in the Europarl corpus: As you know, after all, of course, in fact and indeed
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Modeling discourse management
    • 2.1 Information Models
    • 2.2 The Common Ground
    • 2.3 Discourse
  • 3. German sentences with ja and their English correlates
    • 3.1 The function of ja
    • 3.2 As you know
    • 3.3 After all
    • 3.4 Of course
    • 3.5 In fact and indeed
    • 3.6 Summary
  • 4. Conclusions
  • References
  • Appendix
    • A: Proposition graphs
    • B: Information Models
    • C: Common Grounds
    • D: Discourse
• Chapter 6. Syntactic change and pragmatic maintenance: The discourse particle then over the history of English
  • 1. Background and aims
    • 1.1 Theoretical background and major syntactic developments in the history of English
  • 2. Discourse particle then in Old English
    • 2.1 The syntax of particles
    • 2.2 Preposed adverbial and conditional clauses
    • 2.3 Interim conclusion
  • 3. The Middle English and later periods
    • 3.1 The data in ME, eME and LME
    • 3.2 From Middle English to late Modern English
  • 4. Discussion and conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
    • Corpora
    • Secondary literature
• Chapter 7. Final though
  • 1. Introduction
    • 1.1 Discourse particles in English
  • 2. Final though
    • 2.1 Previous research on final though
    • 2.2 Unsolved questions
  • 3. Concessive final though
    • 3.1 Experiment
    • 3.2 Final though as projective content
    • 3.3 Final though as a trigger in corpus examples
  • 4. Descriptive generalization of the uses of final though: Balancing noteworthiness
  • 5. Common ground management (with side-effect mirativity)
  • 6. Conclusion and outlook
  • References
  • Appendix. Experimental items
• Chapter 8. A comparative study of German auch and Italian anche: Functional convergences and structural differences
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Auch and anche as additive particle and adverb
    • 2.1 Additive particle
    • 2.2 Connective adverb
  • 3. Auch/anche as modal particles
    • 3.1 Auch as a modal particle
    • 3.2 Anche as a modal particle
    • 3.3 Analysis of auch/anche as a modal particle
    • 3.4 Italian anche in concessive clauses
  • 4. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• Chapter 9. Scalarity as a meaning atom in wohl-type particles
  • 1. Background
  • 2. A modal particle puzzle
  • 3. The core proposal
  • 4. Evidence for a scalar source lexeme
  • 5. Evidence from overlap
  • 6. Support from dialectal variation
  • 7. Future directions / micro-parameters
  • 8. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • References
• Chapter 10. Modal particles in questions and wh-sensitivity: A view from French and German
  • 1. Introduction: German
  • 2. MPs in French wh-questions: An overview
    • 2.1 Bien, Diable and Donc
    • 2.2 The Small PrtP construction in French
  • 3. Looking for a specific semantic path for Modal particles in wh-questions
    • 3.1 „Only“
    • 3.2 Situation in French
  • 4. Conclusion
  • Abbreviations used in the glosses
  • References
• Chapter 11. PP-internal particles in Dutch as evidence for PP-internal discourse structure
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Co-constituency of dan and PPs
  • 3. The extended adpositional projection and dan
    • 3.1 R-pronouns and the functional structure of PPs in Dutch
    • 3.2 Locating non-temporal dan in the functional structure of Dutch PPs
  • 4. Beyond non-temporal dan: Navigating the discourse
    • 4.1 Particles as discourse partitioners: From PP particles to clause-level particles
    • 4.2 Discourse partitioning and the figure-ground relation
    • 4.3 Discourse navigation and temporal adjuncts
    • 4.4 German denn and the figure-ground relation
  • 5. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Chapter 12. Mandarin exhaustive focus shì and the syntax of discourse congruence
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Shì semantics
  • 3. Shì is a sentential focus particle
  • 4. Shì requires a congruent QUD
  • 5. On the distribution of shì and the syntax of discourse congruence
    • 5.1 Clauses which disallow shì
    • 5.2 Proposal
    • 5.3 The “one shì per clause” restriction
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Chapter 13. Evidentiality and the QUD: A study of talán ‘perhaps’ in Hungarian declaratives and interrogatives
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Talán in falling declaratives
    • 2.1 Previous literature on talán: Epistemic possibility and inference
    • 2.2 Declaratives with talán in context
    • 2.3 Towards a formal account
  • 3. Talán and questions in Hungarian: Background
    • 3.1 Previous work on talán in questions
    • 3.2 Forms encoding question acts in Hungarian
  • 4. Talán in ∧-declaratives
  • 5. Talán in ∧-interrogatives
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Funding
  • References
• Index