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Typological hierarchies in synchrony and diachrony / edited by Sonia Cristofaro, Fernando Zuniga. — 1 online resource. — (Typological Studies in Language(TSL). — <URL:http://elib.fa.ru/ebsco/1844285.pdf>.

Record create date: 1/4/2018

Subject: Typology (Linguistics); Historical linguistics.; Linguistic universals.; Anthropological linguistics.; Anthropological linguistics.; Historical linguistics.; Linguistic universals.; Typology (Linguistics); LANGUAGE ARTS & DISCIPLINES / Linguistics / Historical & Comparative

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Table of Contents

  • Typological Hierarchies in Synchrony and Diachrony
  • Editorial page
  • Title page
  • LCC data
  • Table of contents
  • Synchronic vs. diachronic approaches to typological hierarchies
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Typological hierarchies: Some traditional explanations and open issues
    • 3. Synchronic distributional patterns and their diachronic sources
    • 4. Multiple diachronic origins
    • 5. Accounting for exceptions
    • 6. Concluding remarks: Diachronic vs. synchronic explanations of typological hierarchies
    • References
  • Evolutionary Phonology and the life cycle of voiceless consonants
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Voiceless sonorants as contrastive segment types
    • 3. Historical sources of voiceless sonorants
      • 3.1 Voiceless sonorants via RH, HR coarticulation
      • 3.2 Voiceless sonorants via phrase-final devoicing
    • 4. Structural factors in the maintenance of voiceless vowels
      • 4.1 The role of analogy
      • 4.2 The role of /h/
      • 4.3 Phonotactics and morphotactics
      • 4.4 Lexical competition
    • 5. Concluding remarks
    • Acknowledgments
    • References
  • The Obligatory Coding Principle in diachronic perspective
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Some terminological clarifications
      • 2.1 Transitivity
      • 2.2 Variation in the construction of transitive verbs and basic transitive coding
      • 2.3 Core arguments vs. obliques
      • 2.4 Alignment
      • 2.5 Zero case
      • 2.6 Ergative case, ergative alignment, ergative languages
    • 3. The Obligatory Coding Principle
    • 4. Markedness reversals between the transitive construction and its variants
      • 4.1 Introductory remarks
      • 4.2 Shift from obligatory A coding to obligatory P coding resulting from the reanalysis of a passive construction as the basic transitive construction
      • 4.3 Shift from obligatory P coding to obligatory A coding resulting from the reanalysis of an antipassive construction as the basic transitive construction
    • 5. The grammaticalization of TAM and the Obligatory Coding Principle
      • 5.1 Introductory remarks
      • 5.2 Reanalysis of a resultative construction as a perfect and split-alignment
      • 5.3 Split-alignment resulting from the grammaticalization of a new perfect form: Problems in reconstructing the scenario
      • 5.4 Progressive periphrases and split alignment
      • 5.5 Uncommon split alignment patterns, and the TAM periphrases of Basque
      • 5.6 Concluding remarks
    • 6. Conventionalization of argument ellipsis and the Obligatory Coding Principle
      • 6.1 Introductory remarks
      • 6.2 Conventionalization of P ellipsis in obligatory P coding languages: An illustration from Akhvakh
      • 6.3 Conventionalization of A ellipsis in obligatory A coding languages: Illustrations from Amharic and Russian
    • 7. Univerbation of light verb compounds and the Obligatory Coding Principle
    • 8. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgments
    • References
  • Deconstruction teleology
    • 1. The hierarchies
    • 2. Number
      • 2.1 Number developments in Iroquoian
      • 2.2 Stimulus
    • 3. Head marking
    • 4. Alignment splits
      • 4.1 Reanalysis of instruments
      • 4.2 Reanalysis of passives
    • 5. Hierarchies as constraints on change?
    • 6. Conclusion
    • References
  • The development of referential hierarchy effects in Sahaptian
    • 1. Introduction: The Sahaptian language family and its hierarchical patterns
    • 2. Previously described hierarchies in Sahaptin
      • 2.1 Hierarchical patterns in Sahaptin
        • 2.1.1 Intransitive clauses
        • 2.1.2 Mixed direct quadrant
        • 2.1.3 Local quadrant
        • 2.1.4 Mixed inverse quadrant
        • 2.1.5 Nonlocal quadrant
      • 2.2 Aligning the morphemes and constructions
        • 2.2.1 Coding arguments: Morphology
        • 2.2.2 Coding arguments: Constructions
    • 3. Reconstructing hierarchical morphology to Proto-Sahaptian
      • 3.1 Enclitics
      • 3.2 Verbal indexation
      • 3.3 Case marking
    • 4. Reconstructing the main clause constructions of Proto-Sahaptian
      • 4.1 Reconstructing the Proto-Sahaptian direct, local, and inverse quadrants
        • 4.1.1 Enclitics
        • 4.1.2 Verbal prefixes
        • 4.1.3 Case markers
      • 4.2 Reconstructing the Proto-Sahaptian nonlocal quadrant
        • 4.2.1 The *nonlocal direct construction
        • 4.2.2 The *3pl.a direct and *3pl.o inverse constructions
        • 4.2.3 The *nonlocal inverse construction
        • 4.2.4 Summary of nonlocal constructions
    • 5. Discussion: The sources of hierarchical patterns in the Sahaptian family
      • 5.1 Pronouns and verbal indexation
      • 5.2 Case marking
      • 5.3 Passive to inverse
      • 5.4 Contact and pattern copying
      • 5.5 In lieu of a conclusion
    • Abbreviations
    • References
  • Diachrony and the referential hierarchy in Old Irish
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. One nota per verb
      • 2.1 The prehistory of the paradigm of the notae augentes
      • 2.2 The function of the notae augentes
      • 2.3 The origin of the restriction of one nota per verb
    • 3. The referential hierarchy
      • 3.1 General background
      • 3.2 Ranking local above non-local
      • 3.3 Differentiating the local persons
    • 4. Conclusions
    • Acknowledgments
    • Grammatical abbreviations
    • References
  • From ergative case-marking to hierarchical agreement
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Reyesano argument-marking system
      • 2.1 Marking of nominal and pronominal NPs
      • 2.2 Verbal agreement
        • 2.2.1 3rd person agreement
        • 2.2.2 SAP agreement
    • 3. Araona, Cavineña, Ese Ejja and Tacana argument-marking systems
      • 3.1 Ergative marking of nominal and pronominal NPs
      • 3.2 Verbal agreement
    • 4. Reconstructing the history of the Reyesano argument-marking system
      • 4.1 Loss of ergative case marking
      • 4.2 Rise of person prefixes
        • 4.2.1 Innovation rather than retention
        • 4.2.2 From independent pronouns to agreement prefixes
    • 5. The genesis of hierarchical effect
      • 5.1 Hierarchical pattern SAP>3
      • 5.2 Hierarchical pattern 2>1
    • 6. Summary and conclusions
    • Acknowledgments
    • Abbreviations
    • References
  • The direction(s) of analogical change in direct/inverse systems
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Some terminological preliminaries
      • 2.1 Verb classes and animacy
      • 2.2 Direct/inverse and obviation
      • 2.3 Independent vs. conjunct order
      • 2.4 Visualizing complex participant configurations
      • 2.5 Plains Cree paradigms
    • 3. The reshaping of the conjunct order in Algonquian
      • 3.1 Proto-Algonquian
      • 3.2 Plains Cree
      • 3.3 Ojibwe
      • 3.4 Mi’gmaq
      • 3.5 Arapaho
      • 3.6 The VTA conjunct order and its relationship to other paradigms
    • 4. The directionality of analogy in polypersonal systems
    • 5. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • Are the Tupi-Guarani hierarchical indexing systems really motivated by the person hierarchy?
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. The person hierarchy and hierarchical indexing systems
    • 3. The Tupi-Guarani indexing systems in synchrony
    • 4. The Tupi-Guarani indexing systems in diachrony
      • 4.1 The Proto-Tupi-Guarani system
      • 4.2 The genesis of the Proto-Tupi-Guarani indexing system
    • 5. Conclusion
    • References
  • Incipient hierarchical alignment in four Central Salish languages from the Proto-Salish middle
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Introducing and reconstructing the three distinct constructions
      • 2.1 The transitive (tr) construction
      • 2.2 The reflexive > middle > antipassive construction
        • 2.2.1 Reflexive
        • 2.2.2 Middle
        • 2.2.3 Antipassive
      • 2.3 The transitive-reflexive > [sg1][ZZ2]passive (-tr-mid) construction
    • 3. Towards creating the hierarchy: The synchronic distribution of the three constructions
      • 3.1 The local quadrant
      • 3.2 The inverse quadrant
      • 3.3 The direct quadrant
      • 3.4 The nonlocal quadrant
    • 4. Discussion
    • References
  • Deictic and sociopragmatic effects in Tibeto-Burman SAP indexation
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Problems of hierarchy
      • 2.1 The structure of hierarchical paradigms
      • 2.2 Problems of local indexation
      • 2.3 Accounts of hierarchy
      • 2.4 Sociopragmatic effects in Tibeto-Burman morphological change
    • 3. Deictic effects in hierarchical systems
      • 3.1 The original inverse in Rgyalrongic
      • 3.2 Innovative inverses in Northern Naga
    • 4. Sociopragmatic effects in hierarchical indexation systems
      • 4.1 Merger of 1O forms in Kiranti
      • 4.2 The “marked scenario”
    • 5. Deictic and sociopragmatic effects
      • 5.1 Reviewing the evidence
      • 5.2 Typology, genre, and person
      • 5.3 Patterns
      • 5.4 Sociopragmatic just-so stories: It’s always about you
    • Abbreviations
    • References
  • Morphosyntactic coding of proper names and its implications for the Animacy Hierarchy
    • 1. Introduction1
      • 1.1 The Animacy Hierarchy
      • 1.2 The problem and the research question
      • 1.3 A note on sampling
    • 2. Analysis and results
      • 2.1 Languages with a split ergative marking system
        • 2.1.1 Split marking patterns that are in accordance with the AH
          • 2.1.1.1 Case marking of P arguments. Table 3 lists all languages of our sample that obey the AH with regard to the case marking of P arguments. The rows present all marking splits that are possible with regard to the accusative marking of P arguments in s
          • 2.1.1.2 Case marking of A arguments. Table 6 lists all languages of our sample that obey the AH with regard to the ergative marking of the NP in A function. Ergative case marking is found in Table 6 always to the right of the hierarchy, i.e. after the thi
          • 2.1.1.3 Tripartite marking pattern. The tripartite marking pattern is taken as a separate structural category in this survey, since NPs that show this pattern have distributional properties that are distinct from NPs that show a purely ergative marking pa
      • 2.1.2 Split marking patterns that contradict the AH
      • 2.2 Languages with hierarchical marking systems
    • 3. Conclusions
    • References
    • Appendix
      • Language samples
      • Split ergative languages
  • Generic person marking in Japhug and other Gyalrong languages
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Inverse and generic marking in Japhug
      • 2.1 The verbal paradigms
      • 2.2 Inverse in non-local scenarios
      • 2.3 Generic marking
      • 2.4 Inclusive vs exclusive generic marking
    • 3. Nominalization in Japhug
      • 3.1 Overview of participle prefixes in Japhug
      • 3.2 Nominalization and generic
    • 4. Tshobdun and Situ
      • 4.1 Generic person marking and nominalization in Tshobdun
      • 4.2 Generic person marking and nominalisation in Situ
    • 5. Historical perspectives
      • 5.1 From nominalization to generic marking
      • 5.2 The origin of the local scenario portmanteau prefixes
    • 6. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • Author index
  • Language index
  • Subject index

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