"In the three decades of its existence, the annual Going Romance conference has turned out to be the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where current theoretical ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are exchanged. The twenty-ninth Going Romance conference was organized by the Radboud University and took place in December 2015 in Nijmegen. The present volume contains a selection of 19 peer-reviewed articles dealing with syntax, phonology, morphology, semantics and acquisition of the Romance languages. They represent the wide range of topics at the conference and the variety of research carried out on Romance languages within theoretical linguistics and will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics"--.

• Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 13
• Editorial page
• Title page
• LCC data
• Table of contents
• Introduction
• The spurious vs. dative problem
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Morphological SpuSe rule (Nevins 2007, 2012)
  • 3. The spurious vs. dative problem
    • 3.1 Bare plurals
    • 3.2 The non-existence of ethical spurious se clitics
    • 3.3 Spurious ≠ dative
    • 3.4 Binominal sendos in Spanish (Bosque 1992)
  • 4. Spurious-se is just reflexive-se
    • 4.1 Vehicle change (Fiengo & May 1994)
  • 5. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• Givenness and the difference between wh-fronted and wh-in-situ questions in Spanish
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The meaning of wh-in-situ questions
    • 2.1 French
    • 2.2 Brazilian Portuguese
    • 2.3 Interim summary and a look ahead
  • 3. WIQs in Spanish
    • 3.1 The discourse distribution of WIQs in Spanish
    • 3.2 WIQs as follow-up moves
    • 3.3 A brief note on echo-questions
  • 4. Discourse-structure presupposition
  • 5. Looking forward: WIQs in other languages
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• The building blocks of Catalan ‘at least’
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Data: semantic properties of smn
  • 3. Previous proposals on at least
  • 4. Analysis
    • 4.1 A (biscuit) conditional
    • 4.2 verum and contrast
    • 4.3 Speaker ignorance
    • 4.4 Deriving the concessive and epistemic readings
    • 4.5 The missing epistemic reading
  • 5. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
  • Author query
• On ben in Trentino regional Italian
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The data
  • 3. Towards an analysis for Trentino ben
    • 3.1 Previous works on Italian ben
    • 3.2 Propositional vs expressive level
    • 3.3 The semantic contribution
    • 3.4 On anaphoricity
    • 3.5 On emphatic polarity
  • 4. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• Matrix complementisers and ‘speech act’ syntax: Matrix complementisers and ‘speech act’ syntax: Formalising insubordination in Catalan and Spanish
  • 1. Introduction
    • 1.1 Theoretical preliminaries
  • 2. Three types of ‘insubordinate’ que
  • 3. Sentence typing
  • 4. Speech act properties
  • 5. Relative distribution in the Ibero-Romance left periphery
    • 5.1 Distribution in the CP
    • 5.2 Distribution in the SAP
    • 5.3 Mapping ‘insubordinate’ que
  • 6. Conclusion
  • References
• External possession in Brazilian Portuguese: Null possessors as null anaphors
  • 1. Introduction: the phenomenon and issues
  • 2. External possession in Brazilian Portuguese
    • 2.1 Discourse antecedents
    • 2.2 Lack of c-command
    • 2.3 Intervention effects
    • 2.4 Island effects: The view from relative clauses
  • 3. Null possessors as null anaphors: Binding and logophoricity
  • 4. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• Spanish adjectives are PathPs
  • 1. Introduction and main claims
  • 2. The non-universality of adjectives
  • 3. Contrasts I: Resultative phrases in Spanish vs. English
  • 4. Contrast II: Change of state with adjectives in English and Spanish
  • 5. Contrast 3: Syntactically-represented standards of comparison
  • 6. Conclusions and further extensions
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• Additive and aspectual anche in Old Italian
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. (Negative) additives and aspectuals in MI
  • 3. Negative additives in OI
    • 3.1 Methods
    • 3.2 OI data: positive and negative contexts
    • 3.3 OI data: aspectual vs. additive interpretation
  • 4. Analysis
    • 4.1 The syntax of OI anche
    • 4.2 Further support: ancora in OI
    • 4.3 Rise of the morphological negative additive
  • 5. Conclusions
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
    • Sources
• The acquisition of variation: Romance adjective placement in bilingual children
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Variation and language acquisition
  • 3. Adjective placement in German, French and Spanish
    • 3.1 Current assumptions in literature
    • 3.2 Adjective placement in adult speech
  • 4. Empirical study
    • 4.1 Methodology
    • 4.2 Bilingual German
    • 4.3 Bilingual French
    • 4.4 Bilingual Spanish
  • 5. Conclusion
  • References
• Exploring sociolinguistic discontinuity in a minority variety of French
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. French language in Ontario
  • 3. Studies of rhythmic variation
  • 4. Data and methods
  • 5. Results
    • 5.1 Rate and prosodic rhythm
    • 5.2 Syllable structure and typology
    • 5.3 Stress group length and duration, duration ratios
    • 5.4 Durational patterns within a stress group
  • 6. Conclusions and discussion
  • References
• (And yet) another proposal for ser/estar
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. The semantic (aspectual) problem
    • 2.1 TC and telicity
    • 2.2 Estar as a telic copula
    • 2.3 Estar as a TC
  • 3. A way out: boundedness vs. telicity
  • 4. Implementation
    • 4.1 Staying within CCs
    • 4.2 On the semantics of p*: pAT and pHAVE
    • 4.3 On the syntax of p*
  • 5. A Hale-and-Keyserian solution
  • 6. In sum
  • References
• Spanish estarse is not only agentive, but also inchoative
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Bringing aspect under control
    • 2.1 The stative denotation of estarse
    • 2.2 Estarse does not entail telicity
    • 2.3 Estarse is not so punctual
    • 2.4 The inchoative denotation of estarse
  • 3. Analysis: estarse denotes an inchoative state
    • 3.1 Previous analyses
    • 3.2 Inchoative states
  • 4. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• From completely free to complete freedom: Spanish adjectives of completeness as maximizers of property concept nouns
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Maximality modifiers in the adjectival domain
  • 3. Adjectives of completeness modifying property concept nouns
  • 4. The semantics of property concept nouns
    • 4.1 Properties of property concept nouns
    • 4.2 Property concept nouns as predicates of portions of a substance
    • 4.3 Source of gradability and collapse between amount and intensity
  • 5. Adjectives of completeness as maximizers of property concept nouns
    • 5.1 Introducing degrees in the semantics of PC nouns
    • 5.2 Adjectives of completeness are maximizers
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• Romanian dependent numerals as ratios
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Position with respect to previous analyses
    • 2.1 DNums in the literature
    • 2.2 Placing the present proposal into the picture
  • 3. The semantic properties of DNums – a look at the distribution
    • 3.1 DNums as counting expressions
    • 3.2 Câte requires eventive sortal keys
    • 3.3 Câte as an event-object pair distributive marker
  • 4. The denotation of câte
    • 4.1 How the ratio interpretation arises
    • 4.2 More examples
  • 5. Consequences and conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• For an overt movement analysis of comparison at a distance in French
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. No support for base-generation analysis
  • 3. Reconstruction facts
  • 4. Locality restrictions
    • 4.1 Where can deP be?
    • 4.2 How distant can Q and deP be?
    • 4.3 Intervention
  • 5. Comparison with tout ‘everything’
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• The role of L2 exposure in L3A: A comparative study between third and fourth year secondary school students in the Netherlands
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. Background of this study
    • 2.1 Studies on the L2 status at a morphosyntactic level
    • 2.2 The role of L2 input in L3A
  • 3. This study
    • 3.1 Research questions and hypotheses
    • 3.2 Learning context of the participants
    • 3.3 Finite verb movement in Dutch, English and French
    • 3.4 Data collection
  • 4. Results
    • 4.1 Comparing (no) V-to-T to V-to-C
    • 4.2 Comparing third to fourth year students and immersion to ‘regular’ students
    • 4.2 Comparing third to fourth year students and immersion to ‘regular’ students
    • 4.3 Summary of the results
  • 5. Discussion
  • 6. Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• European Portuguese focalizing SER ‘to be’: A verbal focus marker
  • 1. Introduction
  • 2. SER is a verbal focus marker
  • 3. Projection and selection
  • 4. Distribution of SER in the clause
  • 5. Agreement
  • 6. Conclusion
  • References
• Occitan, verb second and the Medieval Romance word order debate
  • 1. Background
    • 1.1 Old Occitan
    • 1.2 Issues in the Medieval Romance V2 typology
  • 2. A V2 grammar
    • 2.1 Verb placement
    • 2.2 The left periphery
    • 2.3 Clause-type asymmetries
  • 3. Occitan in the V2 typology
  • Acknowledgments
  • References
• Language index
• Subject index