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Cambridge Italian Dialect Syntax-Morphology Meeting. Italian dialectology at the interfaces / edited by Silvio Cruschina, University of Vienna ; Adam Ledgeway, University of Cambridge ; Eva-Maria Remberger, University of Vienna. — 1 online resource. — (Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA)). — The following chapters represent a selection of Proceedings of the 11th Cambridge Italian Dialect Syntax-Morphology Meeting hosted by the Department of Romance of Romance Studies of the University of Vienna on 4-6 July 2016. — <URL:http://elib.fa.ru/ebsco/2003473.pdf>.

Дата создания записи: 18.10.2018

Тематика: Italian language — Congress. — Dialectology; Italian language — Dialectology.; FOREIGN LANGUAGE STUDY / Italian

Коллекции: EBSCO

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Оглавление

  • Italian Dialectology at the Interfaces
  • Editorial page
  • Title page
  • Copyright page
  • Table of contents
  • The dialects of Italy at the interfaces
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. The syntax-phonology interface
      • 2.1 Propagation of /u/
      • 2.2 Metaphonetic diphthongization
      • 2.3 Rafforzamento/Raddoppiamento fonosintattico (RF)
    • 3. The syntax-semantics interface
      • 3.1 Negation
      • 3.2 Verbal modality
      • 3.3 Existential constructions
    • 4. The syntax-pragmatics interface
      • 4.1 Invariable subject clitics and sentence particles
      • 4.2 Postverbal subjects and subject-verb agreement
      • 4.3 Focus fronting (FF)
    • Acknowledgement
    • References
  • Inflectional uniformity in the present subjunctive in the dialects of central Friuli
    • 1. Introduction: A curious diachronic development
    • 2. A promising theoretical framework: Synonymy avoidance, and the present subjunctive pattern in Latin
    • 2. A promising theoretical framework: Synonymy avoidance, and the present subjunctive pattern in Latin
    • 3. Evolution of the present subjunctive pattern in the dialects of central Friuli
    • 3. Evolution of the present subjunctive pattern in the dialects of central Friuli
      • 3.1 Avoidance of a class-identifier zero and the introduction of -i in first conjugation verbs
      • 3.1 Avoidance of a class-identifier zero and the introduction of -i in first conjugation verbs
      • 3.2 Blur avoidance and the generalization of -i in non-first conjugation verbs
      • 3.2 Blur avoidance and the generalization of -i in non-first conjugation verbs
    • 4. Theoretical implications and conclusions
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • The Inflected Construction in the dialects of Sicily: The Inflected Construction in the dialects of Sicily: Parameters of micro-variation
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Type 1: The IC in Marsalese
    • 3. Restrictions on V2 in the dialect spoken in Palermo
    • 4. Type 2: The indicative preterite IC in Deliano
    • 5. Type 3: The IC in the dialects of eastern Sicily
    • 6. Other configurations of Inflected Construction
    • 7. Conclusions
    • Acknowldgement
    • References
  • Mixed paradigms in Italo-Romance: A case of morphologization of auxiliary selection?
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Auxiliary verb constructions as inflectional periphrasis
    • 3. Auxiliary selection in standard Romance languages
    • 4. Mixed paradigms and ‘lexical splits’
      • 4.1 Pragmatically motivated splits
      • 4.2 Balanced splits
      • 4.3 ‘Elsewhere’ splits
      • 4.4 Morphomic splits
      • 4.5 A note on the diachronic origin of mixed paradigms
    • 5. Conclusions
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • Selection and morphology of expletive subject clitics in northern Italian dialects
    • 1. Impersonals in Piedmontese dialects
    • 2. General issues
      • 2.1 Semi-arguments
      • 2.2 Hypothesis of morphological typology of NIDs
    • 3. Crosslinguistic perspective
    • 4. Diachronic remarks
    • 5. Conclusions
    • References
  • Can structural deficiency be parametrized?: Oblique pronouns in old Tuscan varieties
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. On loro and the strong/weak divide
    • 3. (Not so) weak loro in old Florentine and other Tuscan varieties
    • 4. Old Sienese clitic lo’
    • 5. Structural deficiency is not a parameter
    • 6. Conclusions
    • Acknowldgement
    • References
  • The morphosyntax-semantics interface and the Sicilian Doubly Inflected Construction: The morphosyntax-semantics interface and the Sicilian Doubly Inflected Construction
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Main properties of DIC
      • 2.1 Morphosyntactic properties
        • 2.1.1 Feature Matching
        • 2.1.2 No intervening elements
        • 2.1.3 No syntactic dependency
      • 2.2 Semantic properties
      • 2.3 No grammaticalization of V1 as a tense/aspect marker
    • 3. Serialization of events
      • 3.1 Definition and properties of Serial Verb Constructions
      • 3.2 The empty marker
      • 3.3 No idiomaticity
      • 3.4 Argument sharing
      • 3.5 Feature Matching
      • 3.6 Single event
    • 4. The analysis
      • 4.1 DIC with the causative motion verb mannari
      • 4.2 Formal analysis
        • 4.2.1 Morphosyntax
        • 4.2.2 Semantics
        • 4.2.3 Application of the analysis to some examples
    • 5. Conclusion
    • References
  • Matrix complementizers in Italo-Romance
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Complementizers in matrix clauses in southern Italian dialects
      • 2.1 Jussive clauses
      • 2.2 Concessive clauses
      • 2.3 Optative clauses
    • 3. Microvariation in matrix clauses
      • 3.1 The status of mi and cu
      • 3.2 The role of intonation
    • 4. beyond-Force, Mood and Modality
    • 5. Interpreting jussives, concessives and optatives
      • 5.1 Jussive clauses
      • 5.2 Concessive clauses
      • 5.3 Optative clauses
      • 5.4 Three variables for a unified interpretation
    • 6. Conclusions
    • Acknowldgement
    • References
  • On the syntactic encoding of lexical interjections in Italo-Romance
    • 1 Introduction
    • 2. Discourse-linked interjections
      • 2.1 Emilian dialects
      • 2.2 Standard Italian
    • 3. A hybrid class of interjections
      • 3.1 Emilian dialects
      • 3.2 Standard Italian
    • 4. Non-integrated interjections and contextual anchoring
      • 4.1 Venetan dialects
      • 4.2 Standard Italian
      • 4.3 On contextual anchoring
    • 5. Conclusions
    • Acknowldgement
    • References
  • A person split analysis of the progressive forms in some Southern Italian varieties
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. The distribution of aspectual inflected constructions
      • 2.1 The progressive constructions with finite verbs in the Apulian varieties
    • 3. The progressives as uaccusative constructions
      • 3.1 The progressives as locative construction
      • 3.2 The progressives as non-locative construction
    • 4. Syntactic analysis of the progressive inflected constructions
      • 4.1 The uninflected progressive constructions
    • 5. Aspectual analysis of the inflected and non-inflected progressive constructions
    • 6. Person split in the inflected progressive constructions
    • 7. Conclusions
    • References
  • Contact-induced phenomena in the Alps
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Clitic climbing in Romance
    • 3. Clitic climbing as a contact phenomenon?
      • 3.1 Clitic climbing in the varieties surrounding Dolomitic Ladin
      • 3.2 Discussion of the data and analysis
    • 4. Cimbrian
      • 4.1 The double complementizer system in Cimbrian: The state of the art
      • 4.2 The unexpected pattern ke + subjunctive
    • 5. Conclusions
    • Acknowledgement
    • References
  • N morphology and its interpretation: Romance feminine singular/plural -a
    • 1. -a plurals in Standard Italian and Central Calabrian
    • 2. The internal structure of the noun
    • 3. Analysis of -a plurals in Central Calabrian
    • 4. -a plurals in North Lombard dialects: Tresivio (Valtellina)
    • 5. -a(-ŋ) plurals in Bregaglia Valley dialects (Casaccia)
    • 6. A note on the syntactic distribution of plural inflections
    • 7. North Tuscany singular/plural -a
    • 8. Conclusions
    • References
  • Indefinite articles and licensing of nominals in two Slavic varieties: Indefinite articles and licensing of nominals in two Slavic varieties
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. The status of the indefinite determiner in Resian and Molise Croatian
      • 2.1 From the numeral one to the indefinite article
      • 2.2 The numeral one in Resian and Molise Croatian
        • Specific indefinites
        • Non-specific indefinites
        • Narrow-scope reading
    • 3. The asymmetry between modified and unmodified nominals
      • Bare nouns
      • Non-bare nouns
    • 4. Resian vs. Molise Croatian: Licensing of bare nominals
    • 5. Conclusions
    • Acknowldgement
    • References
  • Syntactic variation across Greek dialects: The case of demonstratives
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. The dialects
    • 3. Demonstratives across Greek
      • 3.1 Standard Greek
      • 3.2 Cypriot Greek
      • 3.3 Asia Minor Greek
      • 3.4 Italiot Greek
      • 3.5 Summary
    • 4. Patterns of internal variability and the role of contact
    • 5. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgement
    • References
    • Appendix
  • Authors index
  • Language and place index
  • Subject index

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