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Going Romance (Conference). Romance languages and linguistic theory 15: selected papers from "Going Romance" 30, Frankfurt / edited by Ingo Feldhausen, Martin Elsig, Imme Kuchenbrandt, Mareike Neuhaus. — 1 online resource (vi, 358 pages). — (Romance languages and linguistic theory (RLLT)). — <URL:http://elib.fa.ru/ebsco/2294316.pdf>.

Record create date: 4/13/2019

Subject: Romance languages — Congresses.; Romance languages.

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Table of Contents

  • Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 15
  • Editorial page
  • Title page
  • Copyright page
  • Table of contents
  • Introduction
  • Part I. Sentence types and structures in Romance
  • 1. Against V2 as a general property of Old Romance languages
    • 1. A test for verb-secondness: Non topic items (‘NTIs’)
    • 2. Word order: Verb movement, object movement, clitic placement
      • 2.1 Common features of Old Portuguese and contemporary European Portuguese: V-to-T; proclisis and enclisis in finite clauses; Clitic Left Dislocation; topic precedes focus
      • 2.2 Particular features of Old Portuguese: Middle object scrambling (SOV); discontinuity between clitic and verb (CL-XP-V)
    • 3. NTIs identify V > 2 root clauses that cannot be derived by a V2 grammar
    • 4. A disconfirmed generalization (Benincà 2006)
    • 5. Beyond Old Portuguese
    • 6. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • Sources of the data
    • References
  • 2. Portuguese as a heritage language in contact with German and French: A comparative study on the acquisition of verbal mood
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Mood selection in complement clauses
      • 2.1 European Portuguese
      • 2.2 French
      • 2.3 German
    • 3. Previous studies on the acquisition of mood by monolingual and bilingual speakers
    • 4. The present study
      • 4.1 Research question
      • 4.2 Participants
      • 4.3 Method
    • 5. Results
    • 6. Discussion and concluding remarks
    • References
  • 3. Negative Concord and sentential negation in Gallo
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. From Standard French to Gallo
      • 2.1 Negative Concord (NC) and Double Negation (DN) in Standard French (SF)
      • 2.2 Negative Concord (NC) and Double Negation (DN) in Gallo
    • 3. Evaluation of previous analyses of NC/DN readings
      • 3.1 Déprez (2003, 2016): n-words as NPIs
      • 3.2 Zeijlstra’s (2004, 2010) syntactic approach
      • 3.3 Déprez (1999) and De Swart & Sag (2002): Resumptive quantification
    • 4. Our approach to NC: On the status of sentential NEG.
      • 4.1 Building on Muller (1991, 2010)
      • 4.2 ‘Pâ/pouin’ as a semi-negation in Gallo
      • 4.3 Implementation through Zeijlstra (2004)?
    • 5. Microvariation in Gallo
      • 5.1 Gallo as a non-strict NC language
      • 5.2 Intra-/Inter-individual variation
      • 5.3 How to analyze microvariation: Some available options
    • 6. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • Sources of Gallo data
    • Bibliography
  • 4. At the crossroads between (semi-)free relatives and indirect questions in French
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Object extraction is not always the same: An experiment
      • 2.1 Acceptability judgment task
      • 2.2 English free relatives
    • 3. Back to French: ‘ce que’
    • 4. The ‘ce que’ contruction: Towards an incorporation
      • 4.1 The case of other Romance languages
      • 4.2 The nature of ‘que’ in ‘ce que’
      • 4.3 Some diachronic facts
      • 4.4 Towards an incorporation
    • 5. Conclusions
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • 5. Point of view on causal clauses: The case of French ‘parce que’ and ‘puisque’
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Three types of causal clauses
      • 2.1 Distinguishing between eventive and evidential causal clauses
      • 2.2 Distinguishing between evidential and speech act causal clauses
    • 3. Perspectival effects in causal clauses
      • 3.1 Perspective in ‘parce que’-clauses
      • 3.2 Perspective in ‘puisque’-clauses
      • 3.3 Analysis
    • 4. Causal clauses in attitude contexts
      • 4.1 Embedded ‘parce que’-clauses
      • 4.2 Embedded ‘puisque’-clauses
    • 5. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • 6. Historical pragmatics, explicit activation and ‘wh in situ’ in French
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Research context
    • 3. The contemporary pragmatics of French ‘wh in situ’
    • 4. The historical pragmatics of French ‘wh in situ’
    • 5. Concluding discussion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • Part II. The prosodic view on sentences in Romance
  • 7. Intonation of alternative constructions in French: Which cues allow distinguishing statements from questions?
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Previous studies on the prosody of alternative constructions
    • 3. The study
      • 3.1 Materials and participants
      • 3.2 Method
    • 4. Results
      • 4.1 Utterance-final contour
        • 4.1.1 Phonological analysis
        • 4.1.2 Phonetic analysis of the falling contour
        • 4.1.3 Interim discussion
      • 4.2 Non utterance-final prosodic events
        • 4.2.1 Intonational contours at the end of the non-final conjuncts
        • 4.2.2 Phrasing: Final lengthening and pausing
        • 4.2.3 Prosodic analysis of the matrix verb
        • 4.2.4 Interim discussion
    • 5. Discussion and phonological analysis
      • 5.1 The phrasing hypothesis
      • 5.2 The tonal hypothesis
    • 6. Conclusion and outlook
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • 8. Compression in French: Effect of length and information status on the prosody of post-verbal sequences
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Background on French prosody
    • 3. The production experiment
      • 3.1 Hypotheses
        • Hypothesis 1. Arguments and adjuncts are phrased differently
        • Hypothesis 2. Long and short constituents are phrased differently
        • Hypothesis 3. Given and new/focused constituents are realized differently
        • Hypothesis 4. In French, if a given element is not at least the size of a Φ-phrase, it cannot be compressed
      • 3.2 Participants
      • 3.3 Materials and procedure
      • 3.4 Data treatment & analysis
        • Prosodic transcription and measurements
        • Statistics
    • 4. Results
      • 4.1 Post-verbal constituent
      • 4.2 Prosodic length
      • 4.3 Information Status
    • 5. Discussion and conclusions
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • 9. Prosody-driven scrambling in Italian
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Prosody-driven scrambling
      • Case I (independent phrases)
      • Case II (head-complement)
    • 3. Detailed analysis
      • 3.1 Case I – Independent phrases can scramble
        • Input A1
        • Input A2
        • Input A3
        • Input A4
      • 3.2 Case II – Complements of overt lexical heads cannot scramble
        • Input A1 and A2
        • Input A3
        • Input A4
    • 4. Conclusions
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
    • Appendix A.
  • Part III. On the position and realization of subjects in Romance
  • 10. On Romanian preverbal subjects
    • 1. Introduction: The status of preverbal subjects in Romanian
    • 2. The issue of non-topical preverbal subjects
    • 3. Constraints on SV with non-topical S: A prosodic account
    • 4. Non-topical preverbal subjects are not ‘Last resorts’
    • 5. Conclusions
    • References
    • Appendix. The corpus research
  • 11. Postverbal subject positions in ‘semi-finite’ clauses in Southern Italo-Romance and Sardinian
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Inflected infinitives in Sardinian
    • 3. Finite complementation in extreme Southern Italian dialects
    • 4. Subjects in semi-finite clauses: An overview
    • 5. Analysis
      • 5.1 Deriving VOS in Romance
      • 5.2 Object shift
        • 5.2.1 Ne-extraction
        • 5.2.2 Binding
        • 5.2.3 Specificity
        • 5.2.4 Participle agreement
        • 5.2.5 Other problems with object shift account
      • 5.3 Right-dislocation
      • 5.4 Conclusions
    • 6. A note on VSO
    • 7. Conclusions and questions for further research
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • 12. Teasing apart 3rd person null subjects in Brazilian Portugeuse
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Characteristics of partial pro-drop languages
    • 3. Properties of BP null impersonals
      • 3.1 The EPP requirement
      • 3.2 Existential and generic readings in BP null impersonals
    • 4. Properties of existential and generic null impersonals
      • 4.1 Existential null impersonals
      • 4.2 Generic null impersonals
      • 4.3 Summary of the differences between existential and generic null impersonals
    • 5. Null indefinites
      • 5.1 Diesing’s analysis of indefinites
      • 5.2 Null impersonals in BP and Diesing’s typology
    • 6. Why two types of pronouns in BP but not in Finnish?
    • 7. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • 13. From a Romance null subject grammar to a non-null subject grammar: The syntax of pronominal subjects in advanced and near-native English
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Referential and expletive subjects in (non-) null subject languages
    • 3. Previous studies on the L2 acquisition of null and non-null subject languages
    • 4. The present study
      • 4.1 Research questions and predictions
      • 4.2 Participants
      • 4.3 Experimental design
      • 4.4 Data analysis
    • 5. Results
    • 6. Discussion
    • 7. Follow-up study
    • 8. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • Part IV. Lexical projections and their properties in Romance
  • 14. De-prefixed Ps in Medieval French
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Data
      • 2.1 Preposition-like properties
      • 2.2 Adverb-like properties
      • 2.3 Noun-like properties
    • 3. Previous relevant analyses
      • 3.1 Axial parts
      • 3.2 Null place noun
    • 4. The analysis of ‘de-’forms in medieval French
      • 4.1 The analysis of ‘de’-forms
      • 4.2 The reanalysis of ‘de’-forms
    • 5. Conclusion
    • References
  • 15. A typology of evaluative nouns
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. The class of evaluative nouns
    • 3. Gradability of evaluative nouns
      • 3.1 Not all ENs are gradable
      • 3.2 Gradable ENs denote extreme degrees of properties
    • 4. The expressive component of evaluative nouns
      • 4.1 All evaluative nouns include an expressive component
      • 4.2 ENs differ with respect to the target of the expressive component
    • 5. Subjectivity
    • 6. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • 16. Nominal and verbal events in Romance causative constructions: Evidence from Italian
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Causative structures and complex predicate formation
      • 2.1 Syntactic causatives
        • 2.1.1 EN – causatives
      • 2.2 Interim summary
    • 3. Verbal and nominal events
      • 3.1 Event nominalisations in Italian and French
      • 3.2 The semantics of (in)direct causation
    • 4. An alternant account
      • 4.1 Passive voice
      • 4.2 Anticausative alternation
    • 5. Conclusions
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • 17. Non-verbal predication and clitics in Aromanian
    • 1. Introduction
    • 2. Socio-linguistic background and methodology
    • 3. The phenomenon and its distribution
      • 3.1 The general picture
      • 3.2 Environments in which the IA-clitic is found
      • 3.3 Further restrictions: The DP subject is a topic
    • 4. The analysis
      • 4.1 The structural properties of IA-clitics
      • 4.2 Implications
    • 5. Conclusion
    • Acknowledgements
    • References
  • Language index
  • Subject index

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